Mali

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Mali is one of the three landlocked countries of the Sahel region of West Africa, where migration is often circular and not permanent. Historically, the country was geographically located at the intersection of the major trade routes between the Maghreb to the north and sub-Saharan African countries to the south (Mesplé-Somps & Nilson, 2020). Mobility was essential for trade in products (salt, livestock, and gold) and slaves. In addition, the Malian climate called for age-old migratory patterns as pastoral and agricultural populations needed to move in search of new water sources. Extensive agriculture, nomadism, and transhumance are therefore historical practices in Mali (ibid). Also, Kayes Region has long practised regular seasonal mobility.

The colonisation of the country by France from the 19th century resulted in displacement and migration, particularly to meet the need for labour in the construction of infrastructure (ibid). Then came the demand for workers in the ports, forcing migration from the border areas with Côte d'Ivoire (especially to Sikasso Region in Mali), and the demand for labour in coastal and forest areas for the cultivation of coffee and cocoa. These historical migration patterns also favoured migration after independence in 1960. 

In the 1960s and 1970s, the migration outlook in Mali changed. Considered one of the world's poorest countries, households regarded emigration as a survival mechanism as many Malians, to escape poverty and support their families, migrated to where there was a relatively high demand for labour (ibid). Recently, the migration pattern has been driven by factors such as the search for protection and economic opportunities within and outside Mali.
Although the country enjoyed relative stability post-independence, the 2012 military coup created a migration crisis, causing massive internal displacements and movement into neighbouring countries (IOM, 2013). Today, Mali is considered mainly a country of emigration and transit migration.

MIGRATION POLICIES

The main national laws on migration in Mali include the 1995 Law modifying Malian nationality to allow Malians to have dual nationality for better integration in their host countries (Citizenship Rights in Africa Initiative, 2023), the 2004 Law on the conditions of entry, residence, and establishment of foreigners and its implementing decree (Republique du Mali, 2004) and the 2012-2013 Law Relating to the Combat against Trafficking in Persons and Similar Practices which criminalised sex trafficking and labour trafficking (US Department of State, 2020). The government of Mali has also adopted the National Migration Policy (PONAM), aimed at turning migration into an asset for the country's development (Mixed Migration Centre, 2022). The policy, however, focuses only on Malian migrants. 

The Republic of Mali is a state party to several migration-related international conventions:

• The UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951 and its 1967 Protocol (ratified in 1973)
• The UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, 2000, including its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children and its Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air
• The UN Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, 1954
• The UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, 1961
• 15 International Human Rights treaties, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, 1990. 
• In addition, Mali voted for the endorsement of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration (GCM) on 19 December 2018.

Mali is also a party to regional conventions, including the OAU Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, 1969 (ratified in 1981), the Protocol to the Treaty establishing the African economic community relating to the free movement of persons, right of residence and right of establishment, 2018 (ratified in 2019), and the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention), 2009.

In addition, Mali entered into bilateral agreements with France, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Guinea, Mauritania, Niger, Cameroon, Libya, and Spain (IOM, 2009). These bilateral agreements include visa-free regimes with Burkina Faso (1969), Ghana (1977), Guinea (1964), Mauritania (1973), Niger (1964), Cameroon (1964), and Libya (1980) (Maastricht Graduate School of Governance, 2017).

These policies are crucial in formulating a comprehensive legal migration framework that shapes the relationship between Mali and other signatories in terms of migration.

GOVERNMENTAL INSTITUTIONS

The main administrative actor in charge of migration management is the Ministry of Malians Abroad and African Integration (MMEIA) (IOM, 2018). Its Ministerial Department in Charge of the Management of the Diaspora oversees functions such as the implementation of policies to ensure the participation of Malians from outside the country in development actions back home, to facilitate the socio-economic reintegration of Malians when they return, to ensure the protection of Malians living abroad and the protection of their interests, and to coordinate the actions of Malians from outside the country in favour of Mali's development (ibid). Other departments include the General Delegation of Malians Abroad (DGME) created in 2000 to formulate the national policy on the administration, assistance, protection, and promotion of Malians living abroad and to coordinate and control diplomatic and consular missions contributing to the implementation of this policy, and the Migration Information and Management Centre (CIGEM). The department is also mandated to collect information on migratory phenomena, to welcome, inform, guide, and accompany potential and returning migrants, to provide information on the legal conditions of migration and raise public awareness to prevent irregular migration, and to develop the human, financial and technical capital of Malians abroad (Maastricht Graduate School of Governance, 2017). The MMEIA’s activities suffer from many problems: insufficient financial and human resources, lack of logistical resources, and the need for ongoing staff training.

Other administrative units involved in migration-related matters include (IOM, 2009):

• The National Population Directorate (DNP), created in 2004 as part of the Ministry of Planning and Territorial Development to formulate the national population policy (including migration)
• The National Employment Agency (ANPE), created in 2004, which includes the Observatory Department of Employment and Training (DOEF)
• The National Directorate of Statistics and Informatics (DNSI), which is in charge of the census and national surveys
• The Directorate of Legal Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, created in 2000 to oversee international treaties and agreements, including those concerned with migration
• The High Council of Malians Living Abroad (HCME), created in 1991 to help maintain solidarity among Malians living abroad and to operationalise the involvement of the Malian diaspora in the development of the country.

It is important for the Malian government to create an enabling environment that encourages its diaspora to contribute to and participate in the development of the country.

INTERNAL MIGRATION

The search for livelihood opportunities, safety, and a social support network are some of the drivers of internal migration in Mali. Paliwal et al. (2024) explained that the internal migration patterns in the country are triggered by the interplay of conflict, environmental stressors, and economic vulnerabilities. They identified the three key drivers of internal migration as i) insecurity and violence, ii) economic opportunities and better access to infrastructure, and iii) vulnerability to natural disasters (ibid). The movement is predominantly from rural areas to urban areas where there is increased industrialisation, particularly in the capital city of Bamako. According to Statista (2023), Mali’s urbanisation rate increased steadily from 36.8% in 2011 to 44.68% in 2021, referring to its urban population as a percentage of the total population stood.

The Institut National de la Statistique (INSTAT, 2019) noted that, in 2019, 6.1% of the population settled in their current locations after having lived elsewhere, which equates to about 1.2 million of Mali’s 19.97 million inhabitants (ibid). Mobility in urban areas (13.7% of people who moved) is higher than in rural areas (3.4%) (ibid). It is also higher for men (6.3% of men had moved before settling) than for women (5.8%) (ibid). The drivers of internal migration in Mali are often interlinked, creating a complex landscape of movement that at times disrupts livelihoods and undermines social cohesion. The movement from rural to urban areas highlights the economic challenges and the absence of security guarantees in rural areas. 

INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS, CONFLICT AND DISASTERS

According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, Mali is one of the three countries in Africa with the largest internal displacement crises (IDMC, 2021). Internal displacement in Mali is triggered mostly by conflict. The recurrent rebellious attacks against the government by the armed separatist group in the Northern Province have fuelled internal displacement in Mali. For example, by the end of 2023, an estimated 344,000 people were internally displaced in Mali, mostly (85%) from the northern and central regions of Mopti, Meneka, and Timbuktu (IDMC, 2024). In May 2024, the escalation of violence led to the displacement of over 15,000 people in the Timbuktu region (ECHO, 2024). According to UNICEF Mali (2021), as cited by Humanium (2021), 56% of displaced people in the country are women and girls, and 61% are children. 

Disasters also contribute to internal displacement in Mali. In August 2024, a total of 5,148 people from 886 households were displaced by flooding in Gao city (IDMC, 2024). 
In an agriculture intensive country like Mali, internally displaced people are highly vulnerable as they have lost their income and, in most instances, their source of livelihood. 

IMMIGRATION

Mali is mostly an emigration country and not an immigration destination. However, it forms part of an important migration corridor leading to Algeria, Libya and ultimately Europe via the Mediterranean, which makes it an attractive destination for irregular migrants.

According to the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, the stock of international migrants in Mali increased from 341,100 in 2010 and 420,500 in 2015 to 485,800 in 2020 and 545,300 in 2024 (UN DESA, 2025). The top five origin countries of immigrants in Mali are Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Senegal, and Mauritania (ibid). Although Mali has been suspended from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which allows free movement of citizens within member states, the volume of immigrants in the country has increased steadily from 2010 to 2024. This highlights Mali’s location as a transit destination within the region. The insecurity in the northern regions, characterised by the activities of Non-State Armed Groups (NSAGs), makes it dangerous for both Malians and immigrants in transit or those seeking to settle. 

FEMALE MIGRATION

The implementation of the ECOWAS protocol on the free movement of people within the regional bloc saw an increase in female migration, especially from Burkina Faso to Mali, where women migrate for short-term business or for better job opportunities, especially in the informal sector (Andall, 2018). Although Mali was suspended and eventually withdrew from the regional bloc, the female migration stock into the country continued to increase.

According to UN DESA (2025), the number of female migrants increased from 168,000 in 2010 and 207,3000 in 2015 to 239,500 in 2020 and 268,900 in 2024. One of the main challenges facing migrant women in Mali is unemployment, and those who are employed find themselves mostly in precarious employment. A study conducted by the Mixed Migration Centre (2022) found that most women are more worried about gaining access to the labour market than about terrorist attacks and violence.

 MINORS

Child migration in Mali is a common and complex phenomenon characterised by a mixed migration pattern. According to UNICEF (2021), as cited by UN DESA (2025), children under the age of 18 constituted 38.1% of the total international migration stock in 2010, which dropped to 22.8% in 2015, and 17.9% in 2020. This represents a steady decline in the child migration stock in the country. Some of these child migrants get into the country unaccompanied or separated.

According to UNICEF Mali (2018), the International Organization for Migration (IOM) identified 931 unaccompanied minors in the Mali Flow Monitoring Points which included children from Mali, Guinea, Gambia, Senegal, and Ivory Coast – representing the highest number of unaccompanied child migrants within the region. According to InfoMigrants (2020), due to the conflict and high levels of lawlessness in most parts of the country, children, including migrant children, are forced to work in the mines and fight for armed groups; many girls are sexually exploited. Under Act No. 04-058 of 25 November 2004, children of migrant workers should receive the same treatment as nationals of the state party, which includes access to health care services and education.

According to a 2020 report on citizenship law in Mali, the country does not provide adequate protection to children born to migrant parents, which increases their vulnerability and likelihood of statelessness (Alexander, 2020). The 2011 Personal and Family Code (CPF), which allows children to remain without nationality until they reach maturity, is evidence of such lapses (UNHCR, 2020). While migration can open opportunities, migrant children in Mali are often highly vulnerable and susceptible to exploitation, abuse, and neglect.

REFUGEES AND ASYLUM SEEKERS

As the epicentre of a protracted crisis in the Central Sahel, Mali has more refugees than it receives. According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the number of refugees in the Central Sahel countries of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger stood at 3.3 million – the majority of those fleeing from Mali (UNHCR, 2024a). Due to the current crisis in the region, refugee status in some instances is granted on an ad hoc basis. For example, in 2020 refugees from Niger and Burkina Faso were granted refugee status without individual status determination (UNHCR, 2023).

In July 2024, there were 92,754 refugees and 229 asylum seekers in Mali (UNHCR, 2024b) – mainly from Burkina Faso (55,364), Niger (23,183), and Mauritania (12,769). Other countries with a refugee presence in Mali are the Central African Republic (1,098), the Democratic Republic of Congo (164), and the Republic of Congo (25) (ibid). Refugees in Mali are mostly located in the urban areas of Mopti, Gao, Menaka, Kayes, Segou, Timbuktu, Bamako, Koulikoro, and Sikasso (ibid). 

However, the refugee and asylum seeker population almost halved in 2025. The coups d’etat and worsening climatic conditions in the Central Sahel region, predominantly in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, have created a refugee crisis with nationals moving between countries in search for protection. In March 2025, the 49.867 refugees and asylum seekers in Mali came predominantly from Burkina Faso (49,551) and a small number from Niger (316), and most of them were located in Mopti (UNHCR, 2025). 

EMIGRATION

Mali is one of the top emigration countries in West Africa. Malians emigrate within and beyond the regional bloc. The drivers of emigration in Mali include the search for economic opportunities, education, and family reunification. According to UN DESA (2025), there were 897,600 emigrants from Mali in 2010, which increased to 1.1 million in 2015 and 1.2 million in 2020 to 1.3 million in 2024 (ibid). These statistics represent a steady increase in the emigration stock of the country.

In 2019, 25.3% of households reported having members living outside their area, with 12.4% exclusively having internal migrants, 9.1% exclusively having international migrants, and 3.3% having both internal and international migrants (Institut National de la Statistique, 2019). Some regions are more affected than others: 50% of Kayes’ households reported a migrant member, whereas only 2.1% of Kidal’s households did (ibid). Emigrants from Mali come mainly from Kayes (38% of Malian emigrants), even though Kayes only represents 14% of the total Malian population (2016 est.) (Mesplé-Somps & Nilson, 2020). Other origin regions for emigrants are Sikasso (27%), Koulikono (12%), Mopti (9%), Ségou (2%), Timbuktu (2%), and Gao Kidal (2%) (ibid).

The main destinations for Malian migrants are Côte d’Ivoire (31.6%), Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal (12.9%), France (8.5%), other countries in Europe (8.4%), Gabon (6.2%), Libya (2.5%) and other African countries (27.8%) (ibid). This means 81% of the emigrants move to other African countries (ibid). In recent years, Malian emigrants have increasingly moved to African countries that do not border Mali, especially countries in Central Africa (Gabon, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Equatorial Guinea) (ibid). Between 2011 and 2016, there was a decrease in emigration flows to France (ibid). Within the European Union, 69% of Malian international migrants are in France, 23% in Spain, and 7% in Italy (Urso, 2016). The deteriorating socio-economic conditions in the country, characterised by unemployment and widespread poverty, has made emigration in Mali a coping mechanism to escape poverty and hardship. 

LABOUR MIGRATION

During the colonial era, the agricultural potential of French Sudan (Mali) were under-exploited because of a dearth of human labour that prompted the colonial master to import workers from the neighbouring colony of Upper Volta (Burkina Faso) to make up for the shortage (Idrissa, 2019). Before independence, the pro-socialist approach of the government to mobilise labour to circumvent capital failed, leading to years of severe food shortages that triggered both internal and international labour migration. Labour migration in Mali effectively started in the 1940s and gathered momentum in the 1960s, with mostly boys and young men who migrated either to work as herders for Fulani livestock breeders or to find jobs in the city or on the plantations (Lesclingand et al., 2017). From the 1960s onward, migration among boys and young men was seen as a rite of passage, especially for young men before they were allowed to marry.

During this period, most migrations were for economic reasons – to support the family. However, from the 1980s onward, there was a surge in female labour migration, mainly to the cities where young girls found work, mostly as domestic help. Unlike the migration of young men, motivated to support the family, female migration was motivated by the desire to have a “trousseau of clothes and cooking utensils” (Lesclingand et al., 2017:76). Contemporary Mali is characterised by recurrent terrorist insurgencies, political instability, and poor climatic conditions, making the country unattractive for migrant labour.

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

Mali is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to forced labour and sex trafficking. Although the Transition Government of Mali does not meet the minimum requirements for the elimination of trafficking, it is making reasonable progress in the fight against trafficking. In this context, it has adopted a national referral mechanism with standard procedures to identify and refer trafficking and to report and investigate more trafficking cases (US Department of State, 2024). The country is ranked as Tier 2 by the US Department of State (ibid). In 2024, the transition government reported investigating 48 trafficking cases, prosecuting 84 alleged traffickers, and convicting four traffickers (US Department of State, 2024).

Internal trafficking is more prevalent than transnational trafficking and is characterised by hereditary slave practices (ibid). Humanitarian actors report that high unemployment, food insecurity, and security threats drive some families to sell their children into domestic servitude or forced labour in gold mines (ibid). Some members of Mali’s Tuareg community are subjected to slavery practices rooted in traditional relationships of hereditary servitude, a form of slavery that was prosecuted for the first time in 2020 and is still very common in some communities in Mali (ibid).

Research conducted by the government of the Netherlands showed that the most common forms of trafficking in Mali are forced labour in domestic activities and mining sites, the exploitation of child begging, sexual exploitation, and forced prostitution of women and girls, descent-based slavery, and the exploitation of children by armed groups (IOM, 2021). The repeated coups that the country has experienced, coupled with economic challenges, make children more vulnerable to being trafficked.

REMITTANCES

As a low-income economy that is undiversified and vulnerable to commodity fluctuation, remittances play a significant role in the development of the Malian economy. Remittances support household consumption, and economic and social development.

According to Coulibaly and Dembele (2024), remittance flow into Mali has increased remarkably from US$59.40 million in 1980 and US$73.16 million in 2000 to US$ 1.03 billion in 2019. After Official Development Assistance (ODA), remittance flow is the second largest source of external financing in Mali since 2010 and contributes 5.99% to the gross domestic product of the country (ibid). Personal remittance received rose from US$816,930,233 in 2015 to US$1.01 billion in 2018 and dropped to US$971,700,936 in 2018 before increasing slightly to US$997,137,084 in 2020 (World Bank, 2025). It further increased to US$1.13 billion in 2021 and declined slightly to US$1.11 billion in 2022 and US$1.05 billion in 2023 (ibid). 

Despite the positive contribution of remittance flows to economic growth in both the short and long term, Adjei et al. (2020) and Coulibaly and Dembele (2024) argued that there is a need for these funds to be managed properly and channelled toward productive ventures and not wasteful consumption as remittance flow reduces the severity of poverty but increases the incidence and depth of poverty and inequality. In 2021, the government adopted a strategy to promote production investment by the Malian diaspora (Migration Data Portal, 2021). According to Knoema (2023), personal remittances received in Mali in 2020 amounted to US$997 million – an increase from US$88.2 million in 2001, indicating an annual growth rate of 15.8%. Remittance remains a viable vehicle through which personal and national development can be attained.

RETURNS AND RETURNEES

Despite the challenging political and economic situation in Mali, there is reasonable progress towards the attainment of peace in the country. As a result, many Malians living mainly in neighbouring countries as refugees and within the country as internally displaced people are gradually returning to their communities. According to the UNHCR (2024c), there were 889,093 returnees in Mali on 31 July 2024, comprising 85,683 Malian refugee returnees and 803,410 IDP returnees. International organisations such as the IOM support the government to facilitate the reintegration process of returnees into their host communities. The government, in collaboration with the IOM, has shifted its support from the individual level to the community level through the initiation of community-based programmes, including the provision of vocational skills training, capacity-building sessions on basic management, and the financing of income-generating activities through the provision of kits and equipment (IOM, 2022). Despite limited resources, the government of Mali has implemented a policy framework and taken steps to facilitate the reintegration process of returnees. The 2020-2024 Plan of Action in the framework of the National Migration Policy includes measures for the reintegration of returning Malians (Migration Data Portal, 2021). Furthermore, the handbook on labour migration management presents the challenges of labour migration and a clear description of international placement procedures, while the High Council of Malians Abroad encourages Malians living abroad to participate in the country’s development and in the formation of an appropriate reintegration policy for returning Malians (Migration Data Portal, 2021).

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

The two main international players have an impact on people on the move in Mali:

• International Organization for Migration: The IOM’s key actions in Mali are the Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) Programme; protection assistance through psychosocial support and referral to specialised agents, operational protection system for the identification, assistance, and referral of the most vulnerable people on the move throughout the country. The IOM also provides emergency assistance as co-lead of the shelter and non-food items cluster; and provides access to basic health care services as well as access to clean water and sanitation facilities. The IOM participates in an EU-IOM joint initiative for the protection and reintegration of migrants by providing reintegration assistance, protection and return assistance capacity building for governments and local actors, data collection, and analysis services.
• United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: The UNHCR runs camps for refugees and internally displaced persons in Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, and the Niger, helps to implement the Kampala Convention, helps with voluntary repatriation and reintegration, and trains authorities on international protection and non-refoulement in collaboration with the National Commission in Charge of Refugees (CNCR).